Q7
(a) Discuss the importance of Iqta system. How did it help in centralization of administration of the Delhi Sultanate? (15 marks) (b) Why is the reign of the Khaljis known as the 'Khalji Revolution'? (15 marks) (c) The late seventeenth century Mughal India is considered to be a period of Jagirdari crisis. Discuss. (20 marks)
हिंदी में प्रश्न पढ़ें
(a) 'इक़्ता' प्रथा के महत्व की विवेचना कीजिए। दिल्ली सल्तनत के प्रशासन के केन्द्रीकरण में इसने कैसे मदद की? (15 अंक) (b) खलजी शासनकाल 'खलजी क्रांति' के रूप में क्यों जाना जाता है? (15 अंक) (c) सत्रहवीं सदी के उत्तरार्ध का मुगल भारत जागीरदारी संकट के काल के रूप में जाना जाता है। विवेचना कीजिए। (20 अंक)
Directive word: Discuss
This question asks you to discuss. The directive word signals the depth of analysis expected, the structure of your answer, and the weight of evidence you must bring.
See our UPSC directive words guide for a full breakdown of how to respond to each command word.
How this answer will be evaluated
Approach
The directive 'discuss' demands a comprehensive, analytical treatment with balanced coverage across all three sub-parts. Allocate approximately 30% time/words to part (a) on Iqta system, 30% to part (b) on Khalji Revolution, and 40% to part (c) on Jagirdari crisis given its higher weightage. Structure with a brief thematic introduction, three distinct sections for each sub-part with internal analysis, and a synthesizing conclusion that connects these administrative evolutions across the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal periods.
Key points expected
- For (a): Define Iqta as revenue assignment (not land grant), trace its evolution from Arab-Islamic origins to Iltutmish's formalization, and explain how transferability, central control over iqtadars, and cash revenue submission enabled Sultanate centralization
- For (a): Contrast Iqta with hereditary feudal systems of Europe, emphasizing the bureaucratic mechanisms like periodic transfers (tankhwah vs. iqtadar's surplus) and royal oversight through diwan-i-arz and barids
- For (b): Analyze 'Khalji Revolution' through Alauddin Khalji's four-fold reforms—abolition of iqta hereditariness, market control (diwani-riyasat), price regulation, and standing army (paid in cash)—that transformed nobility from warrior aristocracy to service nobility
- For (b): Contextualize Khalji changes as response to Mongol threat and internal Chihalgani nobility challenge, citing Barani's Tarikh-i-Firuzshahi on Alauddin's 'new order' (padshahi concept)
- For (c): Explain Jagirdari crisis through Mansabdari-Jagirdari correlation breakdown, citing Satish Chandra's thesis on jama-dami gap, increasing number of jagirdars vs. shrinking revenue land, and Aurangzeb's Deccan campaigns draining productive areas
- For (c): Analyze consequences—ijara (revenue farming) rise, zamindar resistance, peasant distress, and nobility factionalism (Iranis-Turanis-Hindustanis) that weakened Mughal cohesion pre-1707
Evaluation rubric
| Dimension | Weight | Max marks | Excellent | Average | Poor |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Chronology accuracy | 15% | 7.5 | Precisely dates Iltutmish's iqta reforms (c. 1236), Khalji reign (1290-1320) with Alauddin's specific measures (1296-1316), and Jagirdari crisis period (c. 1680s-1707); correctly sequences administrative evolution from Slave Dynasty through Khalji-Tughlaq to Mughal institutional adaptation | Broadly correct period identification but vague on specific reign dates; conflates Khalji reforms with Tughlaq or misplaces Jagirdari crisis in Shah Jahan's reign; minor chronological errors in tracing institutional continuity | Serious anachronisms such as attributing Iqta to Balban instead of Iltutmish, treating Khalji 'revolution' as post-Mughal, or placing Jagirdari crisis in early 18th century post-Aurangzeb; fundamental confusion between Sultanate and Mughal administrative structures |
| Source & evidence | 20% | 10 | Deploys specific evidence: Barani on Alauddin's market reforms and 'new men'; Firishta on iqta transfers; Abul Fazl's Ain-i-Akbari on mansabdari-jagirdari structure; Satish Chandra's quantitative data on jama estimates vs. actual collections; cites epigraphic evidence (inscriptions on iqta confirmations) and European traveler accounts (Bernier on jagirdar exploitation) | General reference to 'historians' or 'sources' without naming; mentions Barani or Abul Fazl but without specific content attribution; uses textbook generalizations without primary source grounding; vague on statistical evidence for Jagirdari crisis | No source citation; relies on hearsay or anachronistic interpretations; confuses fictional accounts with historical evidence; misattributes statements (e.g., attributing Marxist analysis to medieval chroniclers); completely ignores historiographical contributions |
| Multi-perspective analysis | 25% | 12.5 | For (a): contrasts centralization thesis (Irfan Habib) with feudalism debate (R.S. Sharma); for (b): examines Khalji Revolution as administrative modernization vs. despotism (Barani's critique); for (c): evaluates Jagirdari crisis through multiple lenses—Aligarh School (institutional breakdown), Cambridge School (factional politics), and peasant perspective (Agrarian Studies); integrates military-fiscal, ecological, and global economic (silver influx) factors | Presents one dominant interpretation per sub-part without significant counter-view; acknowledges historiographical debates superficially; treats administrative systems in isolation without cross-period comparison; limited engagement with economic or social dimensions | Single narrative without any analytical tension; purely descriptive account of reforms; ignores regional variations (Deccan vs. Hindustan iqta/jagir patterns); no consideration of how different social groups experienced these systems; fails to connect administrative changes to broader state formation processes |
| Historiographic framing | 25% | 12.5 | Explicitly engages with key debates: Iqta—Habib's 'centralized bureaucracy' vs. Chandra's 'limited feudalism'; Khalji Revolution—Sunil Kumar's 'state formation' thesis vs. traditional 'despotic' view; Jagirdari Crisis—M. Athar Ali's 'crisis of empire' vs. Muzaffar Alam's 'adjustment and adaptation'; demonstrates awareness of how historiography has shifted from administrative to social history, and from 'decline' to 'transformation' paradigms | Mentions historians by name without explaining their specific arguments; shows awareness that debates exist but cannot articulate positions clearly; treats historiography as additive rather than contested; limited to older nationalist or Cambridge frameworks without recent engagement | Complete absence of historiographical awareness; presents all information as established fact; confuses historians with historical actors; anachronistic application of modern concepts without scholarly grounding; no recognition that 'Khalji Revolution' and 'Jagirdari Crisis' are interpretive constructs |
| Conclusion & synthesis | 15% | 7.5 | Synthesizes three sub-parts into coherent argument about Indian medieval state formation: traces evolution from Iqta's tentative centralization through Khalji's radical bureaucratization to Mughal Jagirdari's structural contradictions; identifies pattern of revenue assignment systems facing recurring crisis between state extraction and intermediary power; offers nuanced assessment of whether these represent 'failure' or adaptive transformation; may suggest relevance for understanding colonial revenue experiments | Brief summary of three parts without genuine synthesis; restates main points without analytical elevation; weak or generic conclusion ('these systems were important'); misses opportunity to connect across temporal boundaries or identify structural patterns | No conclusion or abrupt ending; introduces entirely new information in conclusion; contradictory final assessment; purely mechanical summary that reveals failure to grasp thematic connections; conclusion limited to one sub-part ignoring others |
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