Paper I — Q8
(a) Ethnicity is the underlying cause which poses a great challenge in the resolution of the problems in the North-East region of…
(a) Ethnicity is the underlying cause which poses a great challenge in the resolution of the problems in the North-East region of India. Comment. (20 marks) (b) The making of the Indian Constitution is described as an attempt towards 'social revolution'. Comment. (15 marks) (c) How far is it correct that the regional parties have strengthened Indian democracy and federal system? Substantiate your answer with suitable examples. (15 marks)
हिंदी में प्रश्न पढ़ें
(a) नृजातियता एक अन्तर्निहित कारण है जिसने भारत के उत्तर-पूर्व क्षेत्र में समस्याओं के समाधान में एक बड़ी चुनौती पेश की है। टिप्पणी कीजिए। (20 अंक) (b) भारतीय संविधान के निर्माण को 'सामाजिक क्रांति' की ओर एक प्रयास के परिप्रेक्ष्य में वर्णित किया जाता है। टिप्पणी कीजिए। (15 अंक) (c) यह कहना कहाँ तक सही है कि क्षेत्रीय दलों ने भारतीय लोकतंत्र तथा संघीय व्यवस्था को मजबूत किया है? उपयुक्त उदाहरणों के साथ अपने उत्तर की पुष्टि कीजिए। (15 अंक)
Directive word: Comment
This question asks you to comment. The directive word signals the depth of analysis expected, the structure of your answer, and the weight of evidence you must bring.
See our UPSC directive words guide for a full breakdown of how to respond to each command word.
How this answer will be evaluated
Approach
The directive 'comment' requires balanced analysis with personal assessment. For part (a) (20 marks), spend ~40% of word budget examining how ethnicity manifests in Naga, Mizo and Assam conflicts while also critiquing economic and governance factors. For part (b) (15 marks), allocate ~30% analyzing constitutional provisions for social transformation—FRs, DPSP, abolition of untouchability, and land reforms. For part (c) (15 marks), use remaining ~30% to evaluate regional parties' dual role: DMK/AIADMK, TMC, BJD as federal strengtheners versus fragmentation risks. Structure: integrated introduction → three distinct sections with internal balance → synthesized conclusion on diversity-management in Indian democracy.
Key points expected
- Part (a): Ethnicity as underlying cause—tribal vs non-tribal tensions, insurgency roots (Naga nationalism since 1947, Mizo movement, ULFA); BUT also critique: economic underdevelopment, AFSPA, border management, and 'ethnicity' as constructed political tool
- Part (a): Specific challenges—Inner Line Permit, Sixth Schedule limitations, NRC-CAA ethnic dimensions, demand for Greater Nagalim, Manipur's hill-valley divide
- Part (b): 'Social revolution' thesis—Granville Austin's framing; Constitution as transformative document: abolition of zamindari (Art.31), untouchability (Art.17), temple entry, reservations (Art.16, 330-334), DPSP for equitable society
- Part (b): Limits of social revolution—property rights dilution, zamindari compensation, gradualist approach, continued caste realities; balance between revolution and stability
- Part (c): Regional parties as federal strengtheners—coalition era (1996-2014), state-specific agendas in national policy, linguistic-cultural protection (DMK's anti-Hindi agitation legacy, TMC's Bengal identity)
- Part (c): Critical evaluation—fragmentation dangers, dynasty politics (DMK, NC), regionalism vs national integration, asymmetric federalism; examples: BJD's Odisha development model, Akali Dal's Punjab interests, rise of AAP
Evaluation rubric
| Dimension | Weight | Max marks | Excellent | Average | Poor |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Demand-directive understanding | 20% | 10 | For (a), 'comments' by acknowledging ethnicity's salience while critiquing reductionism—citing economic and security dimensions; for (b), evaluates 'social revolution' thesis dialectically rather than descriptively; for (c), assesses 'how far' with nuanced judgment, avoiding binary conclusions | Addresses all three parts but treats directives descriptively—narrates ethnic conflicts, lists constitutional provisions, or catalogues regional parties without eval depth; misses 'comment' and 'how far' demands | Misreads directives—describes when asked to comment, or argues one-sidedly without balance; may ignore one sub-part entirely or conflate all three into undifferentiated response |
| Content depth & accuracy | 20% | 10 | Demonstrates command across all three domains: for (a) cites Bodo, Karbi, Dimasa movements and Armed Forces Special Powers Act; for (b) references Constituent Assembly debates (Ambedkar on social democracy, Patel on princely states integration); for (c) distinguishes pre- and post-1996 regional party phases with Sachin Pilot or Farooq Abdullah references | Covers basic content—mentions Naga insurgency, fundamental rights, and DMK/Shiv Sena—but lacks specificity on Sixth Schedule provisions, Granville Austin's scholarship, or coalition government mechanics; some factual gaps | Superficial or inaccurate content—confuses Fifth and Sixth Schedules, misattributes constitutional articles, conflates regional parties with state parties, or relies on outdated examples (no post-2014 developments) |
| Structure & flow | 20% | 10 | Clear tripartite structure with proportional allocation; each part has internal thesis-antithesis-synthesis movement; smooth transitions between (a), (b), (c) via thematic links (identity, constitutionalism, federalism); effective signposting and paragraph topic sentences | All three parts present but unevenly developed—(a) over-expanded at expense of (b) or (c); or bullet-point style without argumentative flow; some structural confusion between descriptive and analytical sections | Disorganized—merges parts indiscriminately, lacks paragraph coherence, or presents as three disconnected mini-essays without integrating framework; poor time management visible in truncated final section |
| Examples / case-law / data | 20% | 10 | Rich specificity: (a) cites Naga Peace Accord 2015, Bodo Accord 2020, ILP in Arunachal/Mizoram/Nagaland; (b) references Golaknath, Kesavananda, or specific CA speeches (Nehru's Objectives Resolution, Ambedkar's 'life of contradictions' warning); (c) names TMC's 2011-2021 Bengal governance, DMK's federal coalition role 1996-2014, AAP's Delhi-Punjab expansion | Some relevant examples but generic—mentions 'Naxalism' for (a), 'reservation' for (b), 'Shiv Sena' for (c) without specificity; no case law or contemporary accords; examples not tightly linked to argument | Few or no examples; or irrelevant ones—Pakistan ethnic conflicts for (a), American civil rights for (b), European regional parties for (c); factual errors in naming parties or constitutional provisions |
| Conclusion & analytical edge | 20% | 10 | Synthesizes all three parts into coherent thesis on Indian democracy's management of diversity—ethnicity as challenge requiring constitutional tools and federal flexibility; original insight on 'social revolution' as ongoing process, not 1950 achievement; forward-looking on regional parties' evolving role in competitive cooperative federalism | Separate conclusions for each part without integration; or generic conclusion on 'unity in diversity' without specific reference to question's three themes; restates points rather than advancing synthesis | Missing or abrupt conclusion; or conclusion contradicts body (arguing ethnicity is sole cause after acknowledging economic factors); no analytical advancement—pure summary or empty rhetoric on 'great democracy' |
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