Q1
Answer the following questions in about 150 words each: (a) Discuss the nature of Sociology. Highlight its relationship with Social Anthropology. (10 marks) (b) Analyse the changing nature of caste as a status group. (10 marks) (c) Marriage as an institution has undergone a radical transformation from 'ritual' to 'commercial' in its outlook. Explain the factors behind this change. (10 marks) (d) Democracy needs a vibrant culture of civil society in order to strengthen its foundation of citizenship. Comment. (10 marks) (e) What are the 'basic and irreducible' functions of the family as proposed by Talcott Parsons? Explain. (10 marks)
हिंदी में प्रश्न पढ़ें
निम्नलिखित में से प्रत्येक प्रश्न का उत्तर लगभग 150 शब्दों में लिखिए: (a) समाजशास्त्र की प्रकृति की चर्चा कीजिए। सामाजिक मानवशास्त्र के साथ इसके संबंध पर प्रकाश डालिए। (10 अंक) (b) एक प्रतिष्ठित समूह (स्टेटस ग्रुप) के रूप में जाति-व्यवस्था की बदलती प्रकृति का विश्लेषण कीजिए। (10 अंक) (c) एक संस्था के रूप में विवाह ने अपने दृष्टिकोण में 'अनुष्ठान' से लेकर 'व्यावसायिक' तक मूल परिवर्तन किया है। इस परिवर्तन के पीछे के कारकों की व्याख्या कीजिए। (10 अंक) (d) नागरिक समाज की जीवंत संस्कृति प्रजातंत्र की जरूरत है ताकि नागरिकता के इसके आधार को सुदृढ़ किया जा सके। टिप्पणी कीजिए। (10 अंक) (e) टैलकॉट पार्संस के द्वारा प्रस्तावित परिवार के 'बुनियादी एवं अल्प्यूकरणीय' प्रकार्य क्या हैं? व्याख्या कीजिए। (10 अंक)
Directive word: Discuss
This question asks you to discuss. The directive word signals the depth of analysis expected, the structure of your answer, and the weight of evidence you must bring.
See our UPSC directive words guide for a full breakdown of how to respond to each command word.
How this answer will be evaluated
Approach
This is a five-part short-answer question with equal marks; allocate approximately 30 words per sub-part (150 total). For (a), 'discuss' demands examining sociology's scientific and interpretive nature plus a systematic comparison with social anthropology. For (b), 'analyse' requires unpacking caste's transformation from Weberian status group to contemporary politicised identity. For (c), 'explain' needs causal factors behind marriage's commercialisation. For (d), 'comment' invites critical evaluation of civil society-democracy linkage. For (e), 'explain' demands precise exposition of Parsons' functionalist framework. Structure each part as: definition/thesis → 2-3 analytical points → micro-conclusion.
Key points expected
- (a) Sociology's dual nature: positivist science (Durkheim) vs interpretive understanding (Weber); comparison with social anthropology on method (fieldwork vs survey), scope (simple vs complex societies), and convergence (post-1960s)
- (b) Caste as status group: Weber's honour-based stratification; transformation through sanskritisation, politicisation (Mandal-Mandir), democratisation (Kancha Ilaiah), and economic liberalisation
- (c) Marriage commercialisation: factors include urbanisation, female education and employment, legal reforms (Hindu Marriage Act 1955, Special Marriage Act), consumer culture, and matrimonial websites/apps
- (d) Civil society and democracy: de Tocqueville's associational life; Putnam's social capital; Indian examples (Chipko, RTI movement, CAA protests); critique of elite capture and NGO-isation
- (e) Parsons' irreducible functions: primary socialisation (internalisation of norms) and personality stabilisation (emotional support); critique from Marxist and feminist perspectives
Evaluation rubric
| Dimension | Weight | Max marks | Excellent | Average | Poor |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Demand-directive understanding | 20% | 10 | Correctly interprets each directive: for (a) balances description with critical comparison; for (b) moves beyond description to analytical unpacking of transformation; for (c) establishes clear causal chains; for (d) offers evaluative commentary not just affirmation; for (e) precisely defines 'irreducible' before explaining. | Recognises directives but treats some parts descriptively—especially (b) and (d)—without full analytical or critical engagement; may conflate 'discuss' with 'describe'. | Misreads directives systematically—e.g., lists features of sociology without comparing to anthropology in (a), or merely praises civil society without critical 'comment' in (d). |
| Theoretical framing | 20% | 10 | Deploys named theorists accurately across parts: Weber for (a) and (b), Parsons for (e), de Tocqueville/Putnam/Habermas for (d), and Goode/Dumont or Uberoi for (c); frameworks are applied, not merely named. | Names major theorists but applies them superficially or incorrectly—e.g., mentions Weber without specifying status group vs class distinction, or cites Parsons without grasping functionalist logic. | No theoretical anchoring; answers read as general knowledge or opinion; confuses sociologists (e.g., attributes status group concept to Marx). |
| Indian / empirical examples | 20% | 10 | Substantiates each part with specific Indian evidence: for (a) cites Srinivas/Saberwal on sociology-anthropology convergence; for (b) references Mandal Commission or recent caste census demands; for (c) cites rising divorce rates or matrimonial advertisement studies; for (d) names specific movements (Narmada Bachao, Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan); for (e) applies Parsons to Indian joint family changes. | Provides Indian context but lacks specificity—mentions 'caste politics' without concrete events, or 'NGOs' without naming movements; some parts may use generic examples. | Relies entirely on Western illustrations or textbook generalities; no engagement with contemporary Indian social reality; for (d) uses foreign civil society examples exclusively. |
| Multi-paradigm analysis | 20% | 10 | Demonstrates awareness of competing perspectives across parts: for (a) notes postcolonial critique of anthropology's colonial legacy; for (b) presents both decline-of-caste (Dumont) and caste-reinvention (Jaffrelot) arguments; for (c) acknowledges counter-trend of ritual revival (mass weddings); for (d) notes civil society's elite capture problem; for (e) contrasts Parsons with Marxist/feminist alternatives. | Acknowledges one alternative view in passing but doesn't integrate it analytically; mostly single-paradigm treatment with a token counter-argument. | Entirely one-dimensional; no recognition of theoretical contestation; treats functionalism, civil society virtue, or caste decline as self-evident truths. |
| Conclusion & sociological imagination | 20% | 10 | Each sub-part concludes with sociological insight linking micro to macro: for (a) synthesis of disciplinary convergence; for (b) caste's adaptive resilience; for (c) tension between individual choice and structural inequality in marriage markets; for (d) civil society as contested terrain; for (e) Parsons' continued relevance despite critiques; overall shows Mills' 'sociological imagination' in connecting personal troubles to public issues. | Sub-parts have concluding sentences but they merely summarise; no analytical lift or connection to broader sociological themes; final part (e) may trail off without integration. | Missing or extremely weak conclusions; parts end abruptly or with repetition of question; no evidence of sociological imagination—reads as disconnected factoids. |
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