Anthropology 2024 Paper II 50 marks Critically discuss

Paper II — Q2

(a) Critically discuss the recent welfare measures initiated by the Government for the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups…

(a)

Critically discuss the recent welfare measures initiated by the Government for the Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTGs). Comment why PVTGs were erroneously called Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs). 20 marks

(b)

How is PESA Act empowering local self-governance and impacting women's political participation ? 15 marks

(c)

Deconstruct the colonial history of Indian Anthropology highlighting the critical role played by the Indian Anthropologists in sustaining its autonomy. 15 marks

हिंदी में प्रश्न पढ़ें
(a)

विशेष रूप से कमजोर जनजातीय समूहों (पीवीटीजी) के लिए सरकार द्वारा हाल ही में शुरू की गई कल्याणकारी योजनाओं की आलोचनात्मक विवेचना कीजिए । समीक्षा कीजिए कि पीवीटीजी को त्रुटिवश आदिम जनजातीय समूह (पीटीजी) क्यों कहा जाता था । 20

(b)

पेसा अधिनियम कैसे स्थानीय स्वशासन को सशक्त बना रहा है और महिलाओं की राजनीतिक भागीदारी को प्रभावित कर रहा है ? 15 अंक

(c)

स्वायत्तता बनाए रखने हेतु भारतीय मानवशास्त्रियों द्वारा निभाई गई आलोचनात्मक भूमिका के परिप्रेक्ष्य में भारतीय मानवशास्त्र के औपनिवेशिक इतिहास का विखंडन कीजिए । 15

Q2 of the 2024 UPSC Mains Anthropology Paper II, as printed
The question as printed in the 2024 Anthropology paper

Model answer

Drafted with AI by UPSC Answer Check against this question's marking rubric, to the expected length. UPSC does not publish answers for Mains — this is one way to score well, not an official key. How we build rubrics and answers.

(a) Welfare measures for PVTGs, and why "Primitive Tribal Groups" was a misnomer

Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups are the most marginalised of the Scheduled Tribes. There are 75 such groups in 18 states and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, for example the Sentinelese, Jarawa, Shompen, Baiga, Birhor, Bondo, Kadar, Toda, Saharia and Paharia. The Dhebar Commission (1960–61) first noted large differences among tribes. In 1975 the government identified the least developed as "Primitive Tribal Groups" using four criteria: pre-agricultural technology, a stagnant or declining population, very low literacy, and a subsistence economy. They were renamed PVTGs in 2006.

Why "primitive" was wrong

  • It came from 19th-century evolutionism, which placed societies on a ladder from "savage" to "civilised" and denied that tribal people live in the same historical present as everyone else.
  • The criteria actually measure deprivation (technology, literacy, demography), not a lower stage of culture. Groups such as the Toda or the Jarawa have complex knowledge systems and ecological skills.
  • The label stigmatised communities and invited paternalism. "Vulnerable" places the problem where it lies: land loss, displacement, disease after contact, market exploitation and neglect by the state.

Recent measures

  • PM-JANMAN (PM Janjati Adivasi Nyaya Maha Abhiyan, November 2023): an outlay of about ₹24,104 crore over three years, with a central share of about ₹15,336 crore. It brings together 11 interventions of nine ministries: pucca houses, roads, piped water, electricity, mobile medical units, hostels, Anganwadis, multipurpose centres, Van Dhan centres and mobile connectivity for PVTG habitations. It also runs saturation camps for Aadhaar, ration cards, Ayushman Bharat and Jan Dhan.
  • Development of PVTGs scheme: a central-sector scheme funding state Conservation-cum-Development plans.
  • Health: the National Sickle Cell Anaemia Elimination Mission (2023) screens tribal populations, where sickle-cell disease is concentrated.
  • Forest Rights Act, 2006: it allows "habitat rights" for PVTGs. The Baiga of Dindori in Madhya Pradesh were among the first to receive them.
  • Livelihoods and food: Van Dhan Vikas Kendras for minor forest produce, and some states' supplementary food and nutrition packages for PVTG households.

Critical assessment

  • Outdated list: it has hardly been revised since the 1970s–90s. Some listed groups have grown, while vulnerable groups elsewhere are left out, and there has been no separate census of PVTGs.
  • Uniform infrastructure: standard solutions such as concrete houses, roads and cash transfers may not suit forest-based, mobile or isolated groups. Contact itself carries epidemic risk, as the Jarawa experience with the Andaman Trunk Road showed.
  • Implementation gaps: habitat-rights claims move slowly, officials often lack knowledge of local languages and customs, and PVTG Gram Sabhas have little say in planning.
  • Big projects: large projects in PVTG areas (mining, infrastructure, the Great Nicobar plan near the Shompen) raise concerns about consent and cultural survival.

Welfare works best when PVTGs themselves shape the plans and control their land and resources.

(b) PESA and women's political participation

The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 extends Part IX of the Constitution (the 73rd Amendment) to Fifth Schedule areas under Article 243M(4)(b), with changes suited to tribal custom. Sixth Schedule areas of the North-East have their own district councils and are not covered.

How it empowers local self-government

  • The Gram Sabha, the village assembly of all adults, is the core of the system. It can safeguard and preserve "traditions and customs, cultural identity, community resources and the customary mode of dispute resolution".
  • The Gram Sabha approves village development plans and selects beneficiaries.
  • The Gram Sabha or panchayat must be consulted before land is acquired and before resettlement. Its recommendation is required before leases for minor minerals are granted.
  • Panchayats get ownership of minor forest produce and powers over village markets, money-lending, the sale of intoxicants, and the restoration of alienated land.
  • At least half the seats at every level are reserved for Scheduled Tribes, and all chairperson posts are reserved for STs.

Impact on women

  • Reservation: women's reservation comes from Article 243D (one-third, raised to 50% in many states). Together with PESA's ST reservation, this has brought many tribal women into panchayat offices and Gram Sabhas.
  • Local devices: Maharashtra requires a Mahila Sabha before each Gram Sabha meeting, so that women's priorities such as water, liquor control, forest produce and health reach the agenda.
  • Resource governance: women have led decisions on community forests and on banning liquor. In Mendha-Lekha (Gadchiroli), whose Gram Sabha governs its forest under community forest rights, and in the Niyamgiri Gram Sabhas of 2013, which rejected bauxite mining, women's voices were prominent.

Limits:

  • Many states framed PESA rules late or weakly.
  • Customary councils are often male-dominated.
  • "Proxy" representation by husbands (sarpanch-pati) persists.
  • Low literacy, domestic burdens and the risk of backlash limit participation.

PESA has opened political space for tribal women, but real agency depends on strong rules, training and shifts in social norms.

(c) The colonial history of Indian anthropology and the role of Indian anthropologists

Colonial origins. Anthropology in India grew out of the needs of colonial rule.

  • The Asiatic Society (1784) studied Indian texts, while district gazetteers, the decennial Census from 1871 and the "castes and tribes" volumes, such as Dalton's Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (1872) and Thurston's Castes and Tribes of Southern India (1909), classified people for revenue, recruitment and control.
  • H. H. Risley used the nasal index to rank castes by "race", and the Census froze fluid identities into fixed hierarchies.
  • The Criminal Tribes Act (1871) branded whole communities as criminal by birth.
  • Much of this material was gathered by Indian clerks and informants, whose knowledge was used but seldom credited.
  • "Tribe" itself was an administrative category that separated forest peoples from caste society.

How Indian anthropologists built an autonomous discipline

  • S. C. Roy (The Mundas and Their Country, 1912; The Oraons, 1915) wrote sympathetic, detailed ethnographies, defended tribal land rights in Chota Nagpur, and founded the journal Man in India (1921).
  • Early departments: L. K. Ananthakrishna Iyer helped found the anthropology department at Calcutta University (1920), and G. S. Ghurye built the Bombay school of sociology. In Caste and Race in India (1932), Ghurye challenged Risley's racial theory of caste.
  • N. K. Bose described the "Hindu method of tribal absorption", showing historical interaction rather than isolation. F. G. Bailey and Surajit Sinha developed the idea of a caste–tribe continuum.
  • Irawati Karve (Kinship Organisation in India, 1953) mapped regional kinship systems.
  • D. N. Majumdar combined physical and social anthropology at Lucknow and studied the Ho.
  • M. N. Srinivas (Religion and Society among the Coorgs, 1952) introduced Sanskritisation and the "dominant caste". He also set the "field view" against the colonial "book view" of caste.
  • S. C. Dube's Indian Village (1955) and the village studies of the 1950s shifted attention from the exotic tribe to everyday Indian society. L. P. Vidyarthi developed the "nature–man–spirit complex" and studies of sacred complexes.
  • Institutions: the Anthropological Survey of India (1945, first director B. S. Guha), university departments and Tribal Research Institutes gave the discipline a national base oriented to development.
  • Policy debates: Ghurye called tribes "backward Hindus", Verrier Elwin argued for protection, and Nehru's Tribal Panchsheel (1958) sought a middle path. These debates showed Indian anthropology shaping policy instead of merely serving it.

Critical note. Decolonisation was partial. Guha's racial classification, the category "tribe" and the Scheduled lists all carry colonial legacies. Early Indian scholars were often upper-caste men who reproduced a Brahminical view. Dalit, Adivasi and feminist scholars have since widened the discipline and pressed for anthropology by and with communities.

How this answer will be evaluated

What earns full marks: Comprehensive, critical, and well-structured answers with specific examples and clear reasoning.

Evaluation rubric

Each sub-part is marked on its own, against the marks and word limit printed on the paper.

  1. (a) Critical analysis of PVTG welfare measures and the rationale for the nomenclature change from PTG. 20 marks

    discuss— intro → 3-4 dimensions → example → balanced close

    Must cover

    • Define PVTG and the criteria for identification (e.g., pre-agriculture, negative growth).
    • List specific welfare measures (e.g., PVTG Development Programme, food security).
    • Explain the shift from 'Primitive' to 'Particularly Vulnerable' (decolonizing language).
    • Critically evaluate the implementation gaps or challenges of these measures.

    Loses marks

    • Treating PVTGs as a static, unchanging 'primitive' category.
    • Failing to distinguish PVTGs from general STs.
    • Listing measures without critical analysis of their impact.

    Earns more

    • Mention specific PVTG examples (e.g., Sentinelese, Jarawa, Baiga).
    • Reference the Dhebar Commission (1960–61), the 1975 identification of PTGs and the 2006 renaming.
    • Discuss the 'Vulnerable' aspect regarding external contact and disease.

    Extra mark

    • Cite specific budget allocations for PVTG development.
    • Mention the role of the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes.
  2. (b) Explanation of PESA's role in local self-governance and its specific impact on women's political participation. 15 marks

    explain— definition/context → points in order → small example → short close

    Must cover

    • Define PESA (1996) and its objective (empowerment of Gram Sabhas).
    • Explain the mechanism of local self-governance (Gram Sabha authority).
    • Detail women's reservation in Panchayats (one-third under Article 243D, raised to 50% in many states) alongside PESA's ST reservation.
    • Discuss the impact on women's political agency and decision-making.

    Loses marks

    • Confusing PESA with the 73rd Amendment (Panchayati Raj Act).
    • Ignoring the specific 'women' aspect of the question.
    • Failing to link PESA to the Fifth Schedule (Sixth Schedule areas are governed separately).

    Earns more

    • Mention the Fifth Schedule and Article 243M(4)(b).
    • Reference state PESA rules and devices such as Maharashtra's Mahila Sabha.
    • Discuss the role of women in managing forest and land resources.

    Extra mark

    • Cite specific data on women's participation in tribal panchayats.
    • Mention the role of the Ministry of Panchayati Raj in implementation.
  3. (c) Deconstruction of colonial history of Indian Anthropology and the role of Indian anthropologists in sustaining its autonomy. 15 marks

    highlight— name the salient points → one line of substance each → close

    Must cover

    • Outline the colonial origins of Indian Anthropology (e.g., for administration).
    • Identify key Indian anthropologists (e.g., S.C. Dube, M.N. Srinivas).
    • Explain how they challenged colonial narratives (e.g., 'Hinduism' vs 'Hindu society').
    • Discuss the establishment of autonomous Indian schools of thought.

    Loses marks

    • Treating Indian Anthropology as a direct import of Western theory.
    • Failing to name specific Indian anthropologists.
    • Ignoring the 'autonomy' aspect of the question.

    Earns more

    • Mention the 'Sahayak' or 'Research Assistant' role in early colonial studies.
    • Reference the 'Sanskritization' concept by M.N. Srinivas.
    • Discuss the shift from 'exotic' to 'indigenous' anthropology.

    Extra mark

    • Cite specific works by Indian anthropologists that challenged colonial views.
    • Mention the role of the Anthropological Survey of India (ASI).
What "Critically discuss" is asking you to do

Lay the issue out from more than one side — how it arose, what is claimed for it, what is held against it, and where it now stands. UPSC attaches discuss to broad topics with several live dimensions, so coverage of the dimensions earns more than the strength of your opinion. “Critically” is not a section added at the end: name the yardstick you are judging by — the evidence, the stated objective, a constitutional principle, a rival explanation — and let a verdict close each part of the body. Where the question quotes a claim, that verdict must land on the claim itself, accepted, qualified or rejected, and not on the theme in general.

Structure that answers it

Set the issue up → the case as it is made → the case against → the dimension both sides leave out → where the balance now lies

Where marks are lost

Merits in one paragraph, demerits in the next, and a conclusion calling for a balanced and holistic approach. That is a survey with the judgement left out and it holds the answer in the middle band. The opposite error is reading “critically” as permission to attack — and with the odd pairings, critically describe or critically explain, the exposition still carries most of the marks, the judgement being a layer on it rather than a substitute for it.

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