(a) Critically examine existing paradigms of holistic health for the marginalised sections of society drawing inferences from…

Holistic Health, Caste Origins, and Ethno-Nationalism

Health, social stratification, and identity politics are inextricably linked in the Indian context, where biological vulnerability is often compounded by structural exclusion.

(a) Critically Examining Holistic Health Paradigms

The prevailing biomedical paradigm, which treats the body as a mechanical system, has long failed marginalised sections by ignoring the social determinants of health. A critical examination reveals that for Adivasis, Dalits, and the urban poor, health is not merely a biological state but a product of structural inequality. The "One Health" approach, which integrates human, animal, and environmental health, offers a more holistic framework, yet its implementation often remains top-down, neglecting indigenous knowledge systems.

The COVID-19 pandemic starkly exposed these paradigmatic failures. The reverse migration of over 10 million workers highlighted how the lack of social security rendered the "healthy" body a luxury for the marginalised. While the government deployed the CoWIN portal for vaccination registration, the digital divide meant that many in informal sectors were excluded from this digital health infrastructure, forcing reliance on physical camps that often lacked basic amenities. This exposed the gap between digital health policy and ground reality. Conversely, the role of ASHA workers demonstrated the efficacy of community-led, holistic responses. Their integration of traditional practices with modern medicine helped bridge trust deficits, particularly in areas with vaccine hesitancy. However, the pandemic also revealed the fragility of the public health system for the marginalised, who lacked access to isolation facilities and nutrition support. Thus, while the crisis forced a re-evaluation of health equity, the response remained largely reactive rather than transformative, failing to address the root causes of health disparities such as caste-based discrimination in healthcare delivery.

(b) Theories on Caste Origin and Differentiation

The origin of the caste system in India is debated among anthropologists. H.H. Risley’s racial theory posited that caste originated from racial intermarriage, a view largely discredited by modern genetics. R.D. Nesfield’s occupational theory suggested that caste evolved from guilds, ignoring the ritual dimension. D.N. Majumdar, a functionalist, defined caste as a "closed class," emphasizing endogamy and social closure rather than racial or occupational roots.

The most influential critique comes from Louis Dumont, who argued that caste is a hierarchical system based on ritual purity and impurity, where secular power is subordinated to ritual status. This contrasts with Marxist scholars like Gail Omvedt, who view caste as a mode of production and exploitation, emphasizing economic control over land and labor. B.R. Ambedkar’s perspective further critiques caste as a system of graded inequality and untouchability, rather than mere social segregation.

Differentiating caste, class, and race is crucial. Caste is ascriptive, determined by birth, and governed by ritual hierarchy and endogamy. Class is achieved, based on economic position and mobility, though in India, caste often intersects with class. Race is a phenotypical and colonial construction, historically used to justify hierarchy based on physical features, whereas caste is a socio-religious construct. While race was a tool of colonial administration, caste is an indigenous, albeit colonial-amplified, social structure.

(c) Resurgence of Ethno-Nationalism

Ethno-nationalism, the assertion of a distinct ethnic identity as the basis for political mobilization, has resurged globally. Anthropologically, this can be analyzed through three lenses: Primordialism (Geertz), which views ethnic ties as innate and ancient; Instrumentalism (Gellner), which sees ethnicity as a tool for political mobilization; and Constructivism (Anderson), which emphasizes the "imagined community" created through media and print.

In India, the resurgence is evident in the Northeast, where groups like the Naga and Mizo have mobilized for territorial autonomy, often citing the Sixth Schedule. However, the Meitei mobilization in Manipur is distinct; it is not a Sixth Schedule issue but a demand for Scheduled Tribe status and protection of territorial integrity against perceived encroachment by non-tribals. Similarly, in Kashmir, ethno-nationalism intersects with religious and political identity, challenging the state’s secular framework. Globally, while Brexit is often cited, it is better understood as national populism rather than ethno-nationalism, as it lacked a strong ethnic component. In contrast, movements in Europe based on linguistic or ethnic distinctiveness align more closely with the Indian context.

The role of the census, language politics, and territorial claims is pivotal. The demand for separate lists of Scheduled Tribes and the politicization of language (e.g., in Assam and Manipur) fuel ethno-nationalist sentiments. This resurgence reflects a crisis of identity in a globalized world, where local communities seek to assert distinctiveness against homogenizing forces.

Conclusion

The interplay between health marginalization, caste stratification, and ethno-nationalism reveals a society where identity is both a source of vulnerability and a tool for political agency. A holistic approach to health must address caste and class inequalities, while understanding caste requires moving beyond racial theories to recognize its ritual and economic dimensions. Finally, the resurgence of ethno-nationalism demands a nuanced understanding of identity construction, balancing the need for cultural recognition with the imperative of social cohesion.