(a) Custodians of natural resources are the tribals, but they are the most deprived. Critically examine how climate change will impact their survival in future. 20

(b) Elucidate the difference between secularism, religiosity, religious fundamentalis

Question

(a) Custodians of natural resources are the tribals, but they are the most deprived. Critically examine how climate change will impact their survival in future. 20

(b) Elucidate the difference between secularism, religiosity, religious fundamentalism and spiritualism from an anthropological perspective. 15

(c) Discuss the contribution of P.K. Bhowmick in decriminalising the status of the Lodha tribe. 15

UPSC Answer Check · Accepted Answer

The directive 'critically examine' for part (a) demands balanced evaluation with evidence, while (b) requires 'elucidate' (clear explanatory exposition) and (c) needs 'discuss' (detailed treatment). Allocate approximately 40% of time/words to part (a) given its 20 marks, and roughly 30% each to parts (b) and (c). Structure: brief integrated introduction acknowledging the thematic spread (ecology-religion-activist anthropology), then three distinct sections with internal conclusions, followed by a synthesizing conclusion on anthropology's applied relevance.
- Part (a): Tribals as ecological refugees — analyze how climate change disrupts traditional resource management (shifting cultivation, forest dependence) with specific vulnerabilities (water scarcity, crop failure, displacement)
- Part (a): Critical examination of the 'custodian' narrative — assess whether romanticization obscures structural deprivation, and evaluate adaptation vs. collapse scenarios for tribal futures
- Part (b): Anthropological distinction of four concepts — secularism (public sphere separation), religiosity (lived practice intensity), religious fundamentalism (textual literalism/reactionary politics), spiritualism (individual transcendence beyond organized religion)
- Part (b): Emic-etic distinction and how anthropology treats these as cultural phenomena rather than theological truths, with attention to Talal Asad's critique of secularism as modernist ideology
- Part (c): P.K. Bhowmick's empirical research on Lodhas of Midnapore — documentation of their actual economic practices vs. colonial 'criminal tribe' stereotype under Criminal Tribes Act 1871
- Part (c): Specific contributions — ethnographic evidence leading to denotification (1952), rehabilitation advocacy, and broader impact on Indian anthropology's engagement with stigmatized communities

Dimension	Weight	Max marks	Excellent	Average	Poor
Concept correctness	20%	10	Precise definitions across all parts: for (a) distinguishes climate vulnerability from general poverty; for (b) accurately captures anthropological specificity of each term (e.g., spiritualism as post-1960s New Age phenomenon vs. indigenous spirituality); for (c) correctly identifies denotification year and Bhowmick's institutional role	Generally accurate definitions with minor conflations (e.g., treating secularism as irreligiosity rather than public sphere arrangement; vague on Bhowmick's specific interventions)	Significant conceptual errors: confuses religious fundamentalism with religiosity, misidentifies Bhowmick's work region or period, treats 'custodian' claim uncritically as fact
Theoretical framing	20%	10	Deploys appropriate frameworks: for (a) political ecology (Guha's 'environmentalism of the poor') and vulnerability theory; for (b) Asad's anthropology of secularism, Geertz on religion as cultural system; for (c) applied anthropology and colonial discourse analysis (Foucault-inspired)	Mentions relevant theories superficially or applies generic frameworks (e.g., structural-functionalism) without specific fit to question demands	Absent or inappropriate theory; relies on commonsense understanding without anthropological conceptualization; confuses theoretical frameworks across parts
Ethnographic / Indian examples	20%	10	Rich substantiation: for (a) cites specific cases (Dongria Kondh vs. Vedanta, Van Gujjars displacement, Kerala's Wayanad climate stress); for (b) illustrates with Indian religious pluralism (Sufi syncretism, Ayyavazhi movement); for (c) details Bhowmick's Midnapore fieldwork specifics and Lodha sub-groups	Some relevant examples but lacking specificity (e.g., mentions 'tribes in Odisha' without naming; generic 'criminal tribes' reference without Lodha focus)	Absent or fabricated examples; uses non-Indian illustrations when Indian cases are expected; confuses Lodha with other denotified tribes (Pardhi, Kanjar)
Comparative analysis	20%	10	Systematic comparison within and across parts: for (a) contrasts adaptive vs. maladaptive tribal responses; for (b) creates clear analytical grid distinguishing all four concepts on dimensions (individual/collective, institutional/personal, modern/traditional); for (c) compares Bhowmick's approach with other DNT researchers (e.g., Raghavan, Dube)	Some comparative moves but unbalanced (strong on (b) but weak on others) or descriptive rather than analytical comparison	Treats each part in isolation; no explicit comparison even where demanded (especially part b); lists rather than differentiates
Conclusion & applied angle	20%	10	Synthesizes across parts to demonstrate anthropology's policy relevance: climate justice for tribals requires recognizing their knowledge systems (linking a-b); applied anthropology's emancipatory potential shown through Bhowmick's legacy (linking a-c); specific recommendations (community-based adaptation, repeal of Habitual Offenders Act residues)	Separate conclusions for each part without integration; generic policy platitudes without anthropological grounding	Absent or abrupt conclusion; purely descriptive ending; no applied/policy dimension despite question's clear orientation

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