Naxalism is a social, economic and developmental issue manifesting as a violent internal security threat. In this context…

Naxalism is simultaneously a development failure and a violent internal security threat; reducing it to a law-and-order problem ignores its roots in exclusion, forest rights, tribal alienation and governance gaps. It is a social, economic and developmental issue manifesting as violence.

By 2026 the armed threat had been drastically reduced: after intensified operations, including the killing of CPI (Maoist) general secretary Basavaraju in May 2025, and mass surrenders, the Union government declared on 31 March 2026 that India was free of Maoist insurgency. The task now is consolidation, so that the grievances that bred the movement do not revive it.

Emerging issues: Before its decline, the menace had been changing shape. The official 'urban Naxal' framing, invoked in the Elgar Parishad case (whose prosecutions remain contested), alleges links between city-based activism and rural insurgency. Maoists use encrypted apps, drones and social media for recruitment, communication and propaganda, complicating surveillance and evidence collection. Trans-border and transnational terror linkages raise intelligence concerns. Cadres shifted to forested tri-junction areas such as Odisha-Chhattisgarh-Andhra Pradesh, where porous terrain and weak state presence aided movement. Recruitment increasingly targeted children and women, including women cadres, exploiting deprivation, local grievances and the absence of credible alternatives.

Multilayered strategy: Security must follow the SAMADHAN doctrine: Smart leadership, Aggressive strategy, Motivation and training, Actionable intelligence, Dashboard-based KPIs and KRAs, Harnessing technology, Action plan for each theatre, No access to financing, supported by Greyhound forces, joint operations and inter-state coordination through the Multi-Agency Centre (MAC). Sustained development must reach the last mile through PMGSY, Eklavya schools, mobile towers, and the Bastar internet connectivity project. Political inclusion requires effective PESA implementation, local self-governance and forest rights. Administrative measures should strengthen the LWE-affected districts scheme, Aspirational Districts Programme, and surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy with targeted livelihoods, education and human dignity. Intelligence fusion, community policing and local leadership reduce misinformation and build trust.

The strategy is neither purely militaristic nor purely welfare-centric. Surgical operations must be paired with winning hearts and minds, ensuring security, development and political trust advance together.