Q19
What are the major challenges to internal security and peace process in the North-Eastern States ? Map the various peace accords and agreements initiated by the government in the past decade. (Answer in 250 words) 15
हिंदी में प्रश्न पढ़ें
उत्तर-पूर्वी राज्यों में आन्तरिक सुरक्षा एवं शांति प्रक्रिया में कौन-सी प्रमुख चुनौतियाँ हैं ? विगत एक दशक में सरकार द्वारा किए गए विभिन्न सहमति-पत्रों तथा शांति समझौतों के रूप में ली गई पहलों का खाका खींचिए। (उत्तर 250 शब्दों में दीजिए)
Directive word: Analyse
This question asks you to analyse. The directive word signals the depth of analysis expected, the structure of your answer, and the weight of evidence you must bring.
See our UPSC directive words guide for a full breakdown of how to respond to each command word.
How this answer will be evaluated
Approach
The directive 'analyse' requires breaking down the dual components—challenges to internal security and peace process, followed by mapping peace accords of the past decade. Structure as: brief introduction on North-East's strategic vulnerability; body divided into two parallel sections (security challenges with sub-themes, then chronological/categorical mapping of accords 2014-2024); conclusion assessing efficacy and suggesting way forward.
Key points expected
- Ethnic fragmentation and competing sub-nationalisms creating overlapping claims (e.g., Naga-Kuki-Meitei tensions in Manipur)
- Cross-border insurgency linkages with Myanmar (Operation Sunrise, Free Movement Regime complications) and Bangladesh
- Proliferation of small arms, IEDs, and narco-terrorism funding networks
- Mapping of post-2014 accords: Bodo Peace Accord (2020), Bru-Reang Agreement (2020), Assam-Meghalaya border pact (2022), Naga Peace Talks status (2015 Framework Agreement, unresolved)
- Structural deficits: AFSPA persistence, development asymmetry, demographic anxieties (illegal migration)
- Critical assessment of 'peace accords without disarmament' and implementation gaps
Evaluation rubric
| Dimension | Weight | Max marks | Excellent | Average | Poor |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Demand-directive understanding | 20% | 3 | Clearly distinguishes between 'internal security challenges' (operational threats) and 'peace process challenges' (political/diplomatic hurdles); treats 'mapping' as systematic chronological or thematic enumeration rather than vague mention | Addresses both parts but conflates security and peace challenges; lists accords without clear temporal or spatial organization | Misses one component entirely (either security challenges or peace accords); treats 'mapping' as casual reference without structure |
| Content depth & accuracy | 20% | 3 | Precise coverage of 2014-2024 accords with correct years, signatories (NSCN-IM vs NNPGs, Bodo groups), and current status; accurately identifies Myanmar coup 2021 impact on Northeast security | Mixes pre-2014 accords (Mizo 1986, Assam 1985) with recent ones without distinction; generic mention of 'insurgency' without group specificity | Factually incorrect dates (e.g., placing Bodo Accord in 2019); omits Myanmar dimension; confuses NSCN factions |
| Structure & flow | 20% | 3 | Parallel structure with clear sub-headings; seamless transition from diagnostic (challenges) to prescriptive (accords mapping); word economy within 250 limit | Linear narrative without clear section breaks; some repetition between security challenges and peace process sections | Disorganized jumping between states and issues; no visible architecture; exceeds word limit or severely underwrites |
| Examples / case-law / data | 20% | 3 | Specific citations: Article 371A implications, Armed Forces (Assam & Manipur) Special Powers Act 1958; quantitative touch (NSCN-IM vs NSCN-K, 34 Bodo factions in 2020 accord); Manipur violence 2023 as case study | General state-wise examples (Assam, Nagaland) without specificity; no data or legal framework reference | No examples or incorrect examples (e.g., citing Punjab insurgency); purely theoretical treatment |
| Conclusion & analytical edge | 20% | 3 | Critical insight: 'accord fatigue' or 'peace without reconciliation'; suggests institutional innovations (Northeast Peace Commission, border management with post-coup Myanmar); balances optimism with structural realism | Generic conclusion on 'need for development and dialogue'; no critical assessment of why accords stall | No conclusion or purely summarial; uncritical celebration of government efforts without acknowledging Manipur 2023 collapse |
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